"het zijn rijken die tegen iets minder rijken zeggen dat ze de middenklasse moeten vertellen dat het allemaal de schuld is van de armen"

arm en rijk

Arm en rijk, een tegenstelling die zo oud is als de mensheid en een discussie die waarschijnlijk bijna net zo oud is. Bij grote rampen worden nationale acties op touw gezet om geld op te halen. Deze acties leveren een fractie op van wat de rijken verdienen aan het medeveroorzaken van de ellende bij grote rampen. Op deze pagina's  vindt u links die de onderzoeker in deze materie wat handvatten geven.

27 oktober overzicht filmpje over geldscheppen door de banken. Hoe gaat dit nu precies in zijn werk? klik hier

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23 oktober de banken worstelen zich weer in het zadel. Op naar een nieuwe financiële catastrofe? In elk geval genieten ze de bescherming van een groep die hier belang in heeft.

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24 november Journalist legt uit hoe de Amerkaanse geldwereld in elkaar zit. Dit kostte hem zijn baan. Zou het in Nederland anders zijn? klik hier

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20 november artikel over de verborgen armoede in ons land ten gevolge van de crisis en de houding van de overheid daarin klik hier

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19 oktober filmpje over de verdeling arm en rijk in de VS. Zou het in Europa anders ziijn? klik hier

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het verschil tussen arm en rijk heeft veel invloed op menselijk gedrag. Kijk naar dit onderzoek klik hier 8 minuten engels gesproken.

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5 september doc over poor kids in western world klik hier

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4 september  de g20 en hun financiële kijk op Afrika klik hier

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20 augustus. Arm en rijk wordt in stand gehouden door echte boeven die vinden dat de armen absoluut niet rijk moeten worden, dus speelt het hele spul onder één hoedje klik hier

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21 juli link geplaats naar kritisch artikel over de financiele crisis klik hier

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9 juli 2013 een filmpje over waarom twee Amerikaanse presidenten vermoord zijn: beiden probeerden de aan de Federal Reserve te komen. klik hier

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geplaatst 20 juni 2013 over de familie Rothschild , de rijkste stinkerds van de wereld klik hier

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hoe zijn wereldwijd de financiele connecties. een goed artikel klik hier

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een triest verhaal uit midden amerika over zilvermijnen: oh ja, dit is 2013!! klik hier

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hoe we nog steeds in de maling genomen en ons een rad voor ogen gedraaid wordt worden door de geldmachine en aanhang.

'Propaganda van de kwaadwillendste soort'

27-04-13   11:30 uur

DNB concludeert dat ze er niets van hebben begrepen

Terwijl in het ene na het andere euroland werkloosheidsrecords worden gebroken, het academische fundament onder het Europese begrotingsbeleid ruw onderuit wordt gehaald, de sociaaldemocratische tegenkandidaat Merkel oproept de teugels te laten vieren en zelfs bezuinigingspaus Barroso begint te twijfelen, draait de Nederlandse pr-molen gewoon door.

Het stoutste staaltje kwam deze week van De Nederlandsche Bank. Onder de kop 'Nederlander kent oorzaken hoge staatsschuld onvoldoende' presenteerde DNB de uitkomsten van een periodiek opinieonderzoek om te achterhalen wat het Nederlandse volk nou helemaal weet van de staatsschuld - hoe groot? Hoe veroorzaakt? - en hoe belangrijk het volk het vindt dat Nederland zich aan de begrotingsnormen houdt.

Het persberichtje blinkt niet uit in neutraliteit. De stijging van de staatsschuld tussen 2007 en 2013 wordt via de kwalificatie 'maar liefst' neergezet als buitenproportioneel en onverantwoord. Twee zinnen later heet het dat het onderzoek bedoeld was om te achterhalen of het volk wel op de hoogte was van deze 'forse' toename. Om te constateren dat slechts twintig procent een 'redelijk adequate inschatting' van de hoogte heeft maar dat het merendeel de staatsschuld 'fors' onderschat.

Ronduit kwaadaardig wordt het een alinea verder. Door de stijging sinds 2008 te verzamelen en vervolgens in staafvorm aan te geven welk deel komt door bankenredden, welk deel door euroredden en welk deel door 'reguliere begrotingstekorten', suggereert DNB dat de 'reguliere begrotingstekorten' niets te maken hebben met banken- en eurocrisis.

Vervolgens concludeert DNB dat de respondenten er niets van hebben begrepen: 20 en 27 procent wijst bankenredden en euroredden volgens DNB ten onrechte als belangrijkste oorzaak aan, terwijl 46 procent 'reguliere begrotingstekorten' als oorzaak noemt. Om af te sluiten met de constatering dat respondenten die bankenredden en euroredden als oorzaak aanwijzen, er ook toe neigen om Europese begrotingsafspraken minder belangrijk te vinden.

Oftewel: 'Kennis over de achtergronden van de huidige problemen met de overheidsfinanciën is belangrijk voor het draagvlak voor het terugdringen van begrotingstekort en staatsschuld volgens de Europese begrotingsregels.'

Dit is propaganda van de kwaadwillendste soort. Als DNB namelijk Figuur 1.8 van de laatste Miljoenennota zou hebben afgebeeld, was het iedereen onmiddellijk opgevallen dat er een causale relatie loopt van het bankenredden in 2008 naar de oplopende begrotingstekorten vanaf 2009. Daar is niets 'reguliers' aan, maar dat komt toch echt door de bancaire crisis en het dichtdraaien van de kredietkraan.

Boven Figuur 1.8 staat dan ook de enige juiste kop: 'Overheidsschuld loopt sterk op door financiële crisis'.

Zo is het en niet anders.

(Ewald Engelen)

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Released: April 23, 2013

A Rise in Wealth for the Wealthy; Declines for the Lower 93%

An Uneven Recovery, 2009-2011

Overview

SDT-2013-04-wealth-recovery-0-1

During the first two years of the nation’s economic recovery, the mean net worth of households in the upper 7% of the wealth distribution rose by an estimated 28%, while the mean net worth of households in the lower 93% dropped by 4%, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of newly released Census Bureau data.

From 2009 to 2011, the mean wealth of the 8 million households in the more affluent group rose to an estimated $3,173,895 from an estimated $2,476,244, while the mean wealth of the 111 million households in the less affluent group fell to an estimated $133,817 from an estimated $139,896.

These wide variances were driven by the fact that the stock and bond market rallied during the 2009 to 2011 period while the housing market remained flat.

Affluent households typically have their assets concentrated in stocks and other financial holdings, while less affluent households typically have their wealth more heavily concentrated in the value of their home.

From the end of the recession in 2009 through 2011 (the last year for which Census Bureau wealth data are available), the 8 million households in the U.S. with a net worth above $836,033 saw their aggregate wealth rise by an estimated $5.6 trillion, while the 111 million households with a net worth at or below that level saw their aggregate wealth decline by an estimated $0.6 trillion.1

SDT-2013-04-wealth-recovery-0-2

Because of these differences, wealth inequality increased during the first two years of the recovery. The upper 7% of households saw their aggregate share of the nation’s overall household wealth pie rise to 63% in 2011, up from 56% in 2009. On an individual household basis, the mean wealth of households in this more affluent group was almost 24 times that of those in the less affluent group in 2011. At the start of the recovery in 2009, that ratio had been less than 18-to-1.

(The focus in this report on the upper 7% of households rather than some other share of high wealth households reflects the limits of the tabulations published by the Census Bureau. The boundaries of its wealth categories dictated the split of households analyzed in this report.)

Overall, the wealth of America’s households rose by $5 trillion, or 14%, during this period, from $35.2 trillion in 2009 to $40.2 trillion in 2011.2 Household wealth is the sum of all assets, such as a home, car, real property, a 401(k), stocks and other financial holdings, minus the sum of all debts, such as a mortgage, car loan, credit card debt and student loans.

During the period under study, the S&P 500 rose by 34% (and has since risen by an additional 26%), while the S&P/Case-Shiller home price index fell by 5%, continuing a steep slide that began with the crash of the housing market in 2006. (Housing prices have slowly started to rebound in the past year but remain 29% below their 2006 peak.)

The different performance of financial asset and housing markets from 2009 to 2011 explains virtually all of the variances in the trajectories of wealth holdings among affluent and less affluent households during this period. Among households with net worth of $500,000 or more, 65% of their wealth comes from financial holdings, such as stocks, bonds and 401(k) accounts, and 17% comes from their home. Among households with net worth of less than $500,000, just 33% of their wealth comes from financial assets and 50% comes from their home.

 

SDT-2013-04-wealth-recovery-0-3

The Census Bureau data also indicate that among less affluent households, fewer directly owned stocks and mutual fund shares in 2011 (13%) than in 2009 (16%), meaning a smaller share enjoyed the fruits of the stock market rally. Likewise, fewer had individual retirement accounts (IRAs) or Keogh accounts (22% in 2011 versus 24% in 2009) and the same share had 401(k) or Thrift Savings Plan accounts (39% in both years). Among affluent households, there was also a decline in the share directly owning stock and mutual fund shares during this period (59% in 2011 versus 62% in 2009), but a slight increase in the share with IRAs or Keogh accounts (70% versus 68%) and a larger increase in the share with 401(k) or Thrift Savings Plan accounts (65% versus 61%).

 

Overall, net worth per household in the U.S. in 2011 made up nearly all the ground it had lost since 2005—$338,950 versus $340,252 in 2005, the latest pre-recession data published by the Census Bureau. (Total household wealth doubtless rose for a period after 2005 before falling precipitously during the Great Recession of 2007-2009 and rebounding since then. However, no household wealth data are available from the Census Bureau for the years between 2005 and 2009, so it is not possible to pinpoint when, or at what level, the peak in wealth per household occurred.)

Looking at the period from 2005 to 2009, Census Bureau data show that mean net worth declined by 12% for households as a whole but remained unchanged for households with a net worth of $500,000 and over. Households in that top wealth category had a mean of $1,590,075 in wealth in 2005, $1,585,441 in 2009 and $1,920,956 in 2011.3

About the Report

Much of the original analysis in this report is based on published tabulations of household wealth and asset ownership by the U.S. Census Bureau. Estimates of the 2011 level and composition of household wealth were released by the Census Bureau on March 21, 2013. The data can be downloaded from here. The Census Bureau’s wealth tabulations are based on its long-running longitudinal household survey called the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). The Census Bureau has published comparable wealth tabulations based on SIPP since 1984 (the data were collected in 1984; the report publication date was July 1986). SIPP is among the nation’s most prominent sources of data on the wealth of American households. The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System also publishes periodic estimates of the aggregate net worth of the nation’s households and nonprofit organizations. The most recent Federal Reserve System estimates are for the fourth quarter of 2012. However, these “flow of funds accounts” estimates provide no demographic information; that is, they do not illuminate which households own the nation’s wealth, only the total amount of that wealth. SIPP provides detailed demographic information on the ownership of wealth, and the 2011 wealth estimates provided by the Census Bureau are the most recent estimates available on which households own the nation’s wealth.4 The estimates are based on responses from a sample of the population and may differ from the actual values because of sampling variability and other factors.

The terms “wealth” and “net worth” are used interchangeably. “Household net worth” refers to the value of the household’s assets minus the value of household liabilities, or the value of what it owns minus the value of what it owes. “Net worth” includes the value of nonfinancial assets owned, such as equity in one’s own home and a motor vehicle, as well the value of financial assets such as bank accounts, defined-contribution retirement accounts, savings bonds and directly owned stocks, bonds and securities. Net worth as measured by the Survey of Income and Program Participation does not include the value of traditional pensions (defined-benefit retirement plans) or present or future benefit streams tied to Social Security.

Unless otherwise noted, dollar amounts are adjusted for inflation and reported in 2011 dollars. The inflation adjustment utilizes the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Consumer Price Index Research Series (CPI-U-RS) as published in DeNavas-Walt, Proctor and Smith (2012). This is the price index series used by the U.S. Census Bureau to deflate the data it publishes on household income.
Additional details on the Census Bureau wealth estimates are provided in the Appendix.

This report was conceived and researched by Richard Fry, senior economist with the Pew Research Center’s Social & Demographic Trends project. The report was written by Fry and Paul Taylor, executive vice president of the Pew Research Center and director of the Social & Demographic Trends project. Research assistant Eileen Patten provided expert assistance with the preparation of charts and formatting the report. Research assistants Patten and Anna Brown number-checked the report. It was copy-edited by Marcia Kramer. The authors appreciate the insights on the distribution of wealth provided by Rakesh Kochhar, senior researcher with the Pew Research Center.